by Alton H. Maddox, Jr.
I have been informed that the “Central Park 5” will be aired in three venues on Monday, November 19, 2012. Supposedly, there will be a public discussion of the “documentary” after its showing. The mere fact that seven young men were indicted and wrongfully prosecuted should be your first clue.
A documentary should be a representation of all of the historic facts. When seven young men were indicted and wrongfully prosecuted but only five young men appear in a documentary, there is an automatic misrepresentation of the facts especially when the leading and only victorious attorney in the “Central Park 7” is conveniently ignored.
If there is a question as to the effective assistance of counsel, it can only be answered in toto by mentioning that New York failed to convict one of the “Central Park 7.” There should be an explanation for New York failing to convict this young man. This documentary should be begging for full disclosure.
Hollywood commercially aired scripts about Howard Beach, Marla Hanson and Edmund and Jonah Perry. I was the attorney for the defendants or the family of the victim in each of these cases. Hollywood never even gave me honorable mention. “Central Park 5” fits this modus operandi. No Black lawyer can ever be a hero in the courtroom.
After more than a decade since five of these young men were wrongfully convicted after five jury trials and the sixth young man entered a plea of guilty, only five wrongful convictions were vacated. The sixth, wrongful conviction has never been vacated. Although none of the young men were legally nor morally guilty, New York refuses to vacate the sixth conviction.
During this period, several white men who were wrongfully convicted of other crimes by different complainants were able to secure monetary relief before the New York City Council. United African Movement collected thousands of signatures for similar relief for the “Central Park 7” but none of the members of the New York City Council favored awarding the monetary relief sought in the petitions.
“Open Line” of WRKS-FM came on the air for the first time in September 1989. These seven young men had been arrested in April 1989. Mayoral candidate, David Dinkins, described the seven young me as a “wolf pack.” Donald Trump made myriad prejudicial statements and he called for the death penalty for these innocent, young men. These prejudicial statements flourished in print and over the airwaves.
Between April and September 1989, there were few defenders on public affairs programming and in the Black press. If Tiempo were operational in 1989, it gave no attention to the “Central Park 7” on WABC-TV. Alton Maddox has no recollection of ever being invited to discuss the “Central Park 7” on WABC-TV.
Censorship was not complete in 1989 but it did influence the presentation of matters of public interest over the airwaves. A white attorney had wrongfully turned over to the white media videotapes purportedly containing admissions of the “Central Park 7.” No court barred the prosecution from using these videotapes pre-trial. Prejudicial pre-trial publicity offends the U.S. Constitution.
Prejudicial pre-trial publicity was a contributing factor for the six wrongful convictions in the “Central Park 7.” Public affairs programming was not available to the “Central Park 7.” Thus, there was no air defense. Six of these young men and their attorneys were unaware that military science was being conducted against them.
The airwaves were full of jetfighters, bombers and “drones” for the prosecution and the “Fourth Estate.” There was heavy bombardment. None of the six attorneys were knowledgeable of the military methods needed to defend these young men. Military science is not taught in law schools but it is used to convict thousands of innocent young Blacks and Latinos annually in courtrooms.
Only one of the seven attorneys understood military science and its use in a civilian courtroom. He used it to successfully defend his client in the “Central Park 7.” He and his legal formula are now subject to censorship. Stated differently, he is banned from all commercial radio and television stations. His legal formula must be suppressed at all costs.
Although the airwaves belong to the public and censorship is illegal by the Federal Communications Commission, the U.S. Constitution is willing to turn a deaf ear to it when it is in the public interest of white supremacy. American jurisprudence and subsequent legislation is based on white fears. Through Black selected officials, Blacks are endorsing their own oppression.
Politics is warfare and law against Blacks is based on military science and slave codes since Blacks have always been considered prisoners of war. This military classification prompted Chief Justice Roger Taney to express this dictum in Dred Scott: “No Negro has any rights that whites are bound to respect.”
White people will never finance our liberation nor will they finance their own oppression. This is the problem that plagued “Like It Is.” Gil Noble did the best that he could without Black support. WABC-TV believed that Noble was already doing too much. No media rights organization existed to have Gil’s back.
After Gil, WABC-TV intended to change “Like It Is” to “Here and Now” and change the format from “public affairs programming” to “arts and entertainment.” Leading Blacks informed WABC-TV that there be would no opposition to the change in format. Leading Blacks only speak for gutless wonders and mindless Negroes. They never spoke to “Friends of Like It Is.”
Last October, a media rights organization was formed to promote public affairs programming for Blacks. Among other things, there must be a reinstatement of “Positively Black,” “Black News” and “Like It Is.” All of these programs ended in violation of FCC law.
Public affairs programming is necessary to defend Blacks in courtrooms and to promote Black elected officials in politics. Prior to this past Sunday, “Friends of Like It Is” wrote an agenda for this Sunday’s program on “Here and Now.” It complied. This was not the original plan of WABC-TV a year ago.
Blacks in the tri-state area have no media rights organization that is obtaining widespread support from its own community. The absence of a media rights organization contributes to “plantation politics.” The reelection campaign of Presidential Barack Obama taught us that there must not only be a “ground game” but also “air strikes” and an “air defense.” Otherwise, it is “plantation politics.”
I was pleased to learn from Dr. Jack Felder that attorney Colin Moore had been reinstated to the practice of law but only as an “attorney-at-law.” He was one of only four Black attorneys who had the courage to file a notice of appearance in the bogus case against the “Central Park 7 .” All four Black attorneys were disciplined. This representation by those attorneys took them over the “fiscal cliff.” All other attorneys in New York played it safe.
It saddened me, however, that most Blacks are unable to distinguish between attorney Moore’s disciplinary status and my disciplinary plight. An attorney is disciplined, when he or she receives a well-founded complaint from a client or the attorney has been convicted of a crime. The New York Judiciary Law outlines the grounds for disciplinary action. I am not included in the statute.
Unlike attorney Colin Moore, I had not received any disciplinary complaints and no ground existed for New York to take any disciplinary action against me. Since “might makes right”, white members of the New York Legislature complained to the disciplinary committee that I was a “threat” to white supremacy.
This bill of attainder or bill of pains and penalties is in the public record and it is subject to public inspection. Both instruments are unconstitutional. Since Blacks have never read the U.S. Constitution with “insight and foresight,” no Black person is aware of my disciplinary plight and they are indifferent to it.
Without alerting the legal authorities, I have always refused to practice “civil rights law,” I am a “problem solver.” The practice of “civil rights law” will never solve the problems of Blacks. For example, the leading “civil rights” lawyer in the United States was Thurgood Marshall. Our problems still persist.
When I studied philosophy, ethics and logic at Howard University, I observed the difference between “natural rights” which supports the Declaration of Independence and the U.S. Constitution and “civil rights law” which, on the other hand, was granted to Blacks after the Civil War. The first civil rights legislation was announced in 1866.
I have always been a “natural rights” attorney but I had to keep it secret from both Blacks and whites. No one can help Black people by giving them the prescription. You must give the prescription to Blacks in doses. When your cover is exposed, Black people will always point you out as the “target” rather than the “victim.” It is always a “personal problem” and not a “racial problem.”
For example, the right of legal representation is a constitutional right for any criminal defendant and it is guaranteed under the Sixth Amendment of the U.S. Constitution. When the state can arbitrarily remove an attorney from the practice of law, it has a “chilling effect” on the right of representation and it has a “chilling effect” on all other lawyers. This “chilling effect” has happened with my illegal disbarment in New York, Pennsylvania and Georgia.
Attorney Colin Moore has only regained the privilege to earn a living. For Blacks, attorneys-at-law only exercise this privilege. This also helps President Barack Obama in reducing the unemployment rolls but it does not help Blacks who are facing serious criminal trials. These criminal defendants need an “attorney-at-war” and not an “attorney-at-law.”
Soon after the 1986 racial assaults in Howard Beach, Newsday published an article entitled, “Trial by Combat”. This article exposed my cover. I would become known as the “attorney-at-war.” This was a cue for New York to get busy. Black men had to leave courthouses in chains.
New York drafted a bill of attainder. If I had stopped using military science in the courtroom, I may very well have been able to save myself from a “life of poverty.” Black people, afterwards, ran for the tall grass. Instead, my court docket looked like the L.A. freeway at rush hour. This was bad news for the prison-industrial complex
I became the “legal watchdog” for the Black community in New York even though not a single person gave me a single penny for legal expenses while I possessed a law license. Black people believe that litigation is free. Similarly, “freedom is free.” I would not allow the lack of funds, however, to keep me from stepping into a legal fray. There was never a legal defense fund. In politics, it is unknown as a war chest
My ability to represent Blacks pro bono ended on May 21, 1990. Unlike Colin Moore, I was later disbarred after the original suspension. I never had notice or even a hearing prior to the suspension or the disbarment. I was suspended from the practice of law for five years but New York had a change of heart when it realized that I would continue the practice of law as an “attorney-at-war.” This is called an ex post facto law. No state will ever reinstate me to the practice of law as the “attorney-at-war.”
Black people will never get any legal relief from attorneys-at-law. There is a “War on Blacks.” It started in New York in 1799 when the state legislature passed a gradual emancipation statute and a law for a state-wide penal system on the same day. To this day, there is a connection between the prison-industrial complex and the criminal justice system. Blacks need to seriously study legal history and white psychology. Psychology is not enough.
The “right of legal representation” can be a bar or an obstacle to Blacks in New York filling up its prisons with Blacks. New York has always had a policy of psyching out “incorrigible Blacks” to put themselves behind bars. Since I insisted on employing military science to keep Blacks out of prison, I had to get the boot. Blacks should not have a hard time figuring this out. This is not rocket science.
Although I had always been successful in keeping Blacks out of prison, I developed a legal formula which would ensure that I could systematically win legal cases. On Mother’s Day 1987, the Washington Post announced that I had developed a formula to win “long shot cases.” This sent shock waves throughout Capitol Hill and also in Albany. I had to be stopped “by any means necessary.” Johnnie Cochran would come much later as a “civil rights attorney.”
Too honest for the White Press and too black for much of today’s Black Press; bullet columnist Alton Maddox upsets the same people and status quo as he did as an uncompromising Defense Attorney. He is also a founding member of the Freedom Party. Please sign his Petition to save “Like It Is.” Contact him at c/o UAM P.O. BOX 35 BRONX, NY 10471